Here's an interview with Charles Murray, author of
Coming Apart. The book discusses the growing gulf between the lower and upper classes resulting from the breakdown of the family and specifically marriage. Of course resulting from and causing this breakdown is the loss of basic moral virtues.
Ernest Hemingway said F. Scott Fitzgerald once told him,
“The rich are different from you and me.” Hemingway said he responded,
“Yes, they have more money.” Do you say they also have a different
culture? In the old days the people who ran corporations or
were in politics overwhelmingly grew up in farm homes or in homes where
their fathers were factory workers or ran small stores or the rest of
it. When they came to power they got more money than other people, but
their culture was the same. Now the elites are different in kind. It’s
not just that they have more money. They have a separate culture.
When did that change begin? In the 1960s
America’s colleges started to get really efficient at finding the best
talent everywhere in the country. In an elite neighborhood in 1960,
about three-quarters of the couples in that neighborhood would have no
college degrees, or only one. In the majority of couples, one was
socialized through high school and only one was socialized through
college, and probably not one of the elite colleges. Jump to 2010 and
it’s different. Everyone in those elite neighborhoods is socialized
through college in general, and elite colleges in particular.
How are the two cultures different? Members of
the new upper class these days get married in their late 20s or beyond,
and don’t have kids until later. They read different books—in reading
books at all they are apart from a great deal of the rest of the
country. A lot of American popular culture is transmitted through TV,
but if the elite have one at all they use it to watch DVDs of movies, or
Downton Abbey, or Mad Men.
Are evangelicals divided in that way? My sense
is that evangelicals don’t have many of the problems I’m talking
about—and I’m not saying that because I’m in front of a Patrick Henry
College audience. There are, in being a devout evangelical, all sorts of
things that will lead you to be engaged with people of all classes.
Caring for the less fortunate is a fundamental tenet of Christian
morality. People who are imbued with that are going to spend a lot of
time, effort, and money, and personal attention trying to deal with the
human problems around them.
In general, though, we don’t know how the other half lives?
If you grew up in the upper middle class in an affluent neighborhood,
you are especially isolated from that world. You really don’t have a
good idea of what it’s like to be the son or daughter of a truck driver.
Marriage is one of the key divides? Fifty years
ago we were pretty much one nation across classes and the classic
example of that is marriage. Divorce in the upper middle class has been
going down since the 1980s, so those in the upper middle class are
increasingly on their first marriage. Meanwhile, among 30- to
49-year-olds in the white working class, we’re down to 48 percent
married.
That has big implications. Single dads don’t
really coach Little League teams very often. Single moms don’t have much
time to go to PTA meetings. The community functions very differently,
and the whole culture starts to collapse and change. We now have two
cultures.
How many people see that as a problem? What’s
scary to me is that a lot of upper-class members now are perfectly happy
thinking of themselves as being in an upper class. A senior executive
at a major New York ad agency lived in a modest house in 1960. Americans
denied they were in the upper class, or in the lower class: We all
wanted to be middle class. Now some people really don’t see why they
should want to associate with Americans who aren’t as rich and
well-educated as they are. They’re very happy being members of the upper
class—that scares me.
Which comes first, the decline in church involvement or the decline in marriage?
I can’t give you a simple answer. The fact of getting married often
concentrates people’s attention on spiritual and religious matters—but
religious belief is a big prompter for getting married. A loss of
religiosity will be associated with lower marriage rates. It’s a
feedback loop.
Sociologist Peter
Berger’s most famous comment is that India is the most religious country
in the world, Sweden the least, and America is a land of Indians ruled
by Swedes. Have you flipped that? In part. When you go to the
Harvard faculty the percentage of people who profess religion goes way,
way down: very low religiosity at the very top. But in the upper middle
class, while religiosity has declined, it hasn’t declined as much as it
has in the white working class. The bottom has fallen out of religious
observance in the white working class. This collapse of religiosity has
profound implications for how working-class communities work: It’s a
kind of growing social disorganization that goes to the heart of what in
the past made America exceptionally vibrant in community life.
Why has the decline occurred? You had Darwin and
evolution. Then you had Freud and the discovery of the
unconscious. … It’s not that the intellectuals read Thomas Aquinas and
said, “No, he’s wrong.” They basically said, “The Sunday school stories
we grew up with are obviously wrong, and therefore there is nothing
worthy in Christianity.”
You have provided the sociological equivalent of what
theologian Francis Schaeffer talked about: living off the interest.
Biblical belief leads to positive social developments, but you can’t
keep living off the interest. At some point you’ve got to replenish the
capital. We haven’t replenished the capital, and it also has
all sorts of implications. We do not know whether a secular society can
remain a virtuous society, because we’ve never had in the history of
civilizations a society as secular as Western Europe is now.
And in America? The Founders said emphatically
that the Constitution they had created would not work for any but a
religious and moral people. They saw religion as the foundation for
morality, so the key requirement for the American experiment was
self-government. I don’t mean self-government in terms of governmental
institutions. I mean government of the self, by the self—and religion is
the basis for that to happen. Insofar as that has declined, you have a
classic case of living off the interest.
We are sadly mistaken if we think the outcome of next week's election will solve these problems. The question is whether the winners will see and understand the issues and move us in the direction of properly addressing them. Or at the very least not make them worse.